Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 382

Chapter 382: Chapter 69: Diverting Trouble Westward
The Russian navy suddenly erupted and occupied the Baltiysk region, leaving the entire European world stunned; many believed that the Kingdom of Prussia was doomed.

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Open the map and you’ll see that the Prussian coastline is all in the Baltic Sea, which is the sphere of influence of the Russian navy.

Ever since the outbreak of the war, the Danish Navy has blocked the Prussians’ maritime transport channels, and strategic materials supported by England and France could only be transported by land.

In the early stages of the war, the Tsarist Government ignored the role of the navy, not attacking the Prussian coastal areas and merely confronting them on land, which meant the Kingdom of Prussia was still able to fight.

Now it was different; unable to break through on land for a long time, the Russians turned their sights to the sea, using their naval advantage to strike the Kingdom of Prussia.

It was an unsolvable problem. The Russians could launch landing operations at any point, while Prussia could not defend everywhere.

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In the Vienna Palace, Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, “Yesterday afternoon, the Russian envoy proposed a new loan application to us, preparing to use the Prussian Saxon area as collateral for a loan of 30 million Divine Shields.”

Using the enemy’s territory as collateral for a loan, only the Tsarist Government could do such a thing. No, this might not even be a mortgage, it’s very likely a sale.

Given the financial situation of the Tsarist Government, the chances of them repaying the loan on time were very slim, and the likelihood that they would sell off the collateral to repay the debt was very high.

The premise was that the Russians would win the war and tear this piece of flesh from the Kingdom of Prussia.

Franz asked with concern, “What is the opinion of the Saxon government? Are they interested in paying to reclaim this land?”

The Prussian Saxon area was awarded to Prussia at the 1815 Vienna conference. Now, the Kingdom of Saxon is part of the New Holy Roman Empire, and if this part of the land was to be reclaimed, naturally it should be returned to the Kingdom of Saxon.

The Prussian Saxon area occupied 40% of the territory of the Kingdom of Saxon, which had long desired its return. When they joined the New Roman Empire that year, Prime Minister Felix had made promises.

Now the opportunity had come. Could the Saxon government resist it?

Franz was very doubtful.

If the Saxon government couldn’t resist, then the Vienna Government wouldn’t be able to obstruct this issue either, since Franz also had to consider public sentiment.

The price of 30 million Divine Shields was bearable for the economically developed Kingdom of Saxon. As long as they were willing to find a way, they could raise the funds.

Prime Minister Felix answered, “The Saxon government seems inclined to fund the purchase of the Prussian Saxon area. Prime Minister Freser will arrive in Vienna this afternoon.”

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Franz thought for a moment and said, “Calm them first. Right now, these lands are still in Prussian hands, and the Russians’ promise means nothing.

We must have other collateral to reduce the risk of the loan.

We can make a commitment to the Saxon government, that the prerequisite for approving this Russo-Austrian loan is—the Russians agree to sell the Prussian Saxon area and the price must be agreed upon in advance.”

This matter was very troublesome; it could be said that the Russians chose a good time.

Now most people believed that the Russians would win the war, so at this time, using the Prussian Saxon area as bait, the Vienna Government had no choice but to accept.

The loan collateral was false; the real intention of the Tsarist Government was to raise funds to continue the war.

Once the news spread, the Saxon People would demand the repurchase of this land, the Saxon government couldn’t possibly refuse, and Vienna would have to cooperate.

Franz certainly didn’t want to be the sucker. If the Russians had already won the war, then forget 30 million Divine Shields, even 50 million Divine Shields he would pay.

But now it was just an unknown. If the Tsarist Government was defeated, or if they failed to cede this land from Prussia, then this loan could likely go to waste.

Moreover, mortgaging a loan and selling are two different concepts. The Tsarist Government is in dire need of money now, so naturally, they dare not ask for too much, lest they scare away their financier. But in the future, that might not be the case.

By then, the roles would be reversed, using the public’s eagerness to reclaim the Prussian Saxon area to their advantage and not selling it at a high price?

An anxious Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, “Your Majesty, since the Russians have offered the Prussian Saxon area, I fear they might promise the Rhineland region to the French in exchange for a loan.”

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Franz’s expression changed, this was not a possibility but a very likely one.

The Tsarist Government was capable of anything when short of money.

Moreover, it was at the expense of others. Once enticed, would the Paris Government still support the Kingdom of Prussia as diligently as before?

The same terms Berlin Government could not promise, not every person is Bismarck, who dares to issue cheques to the French with nothing to back them.

One should not make rash promises in diplomacy. If it weren’t for Bismarck’s strong hand and good fortune, the Rhineland would have fallen into French hands in the original timeline.

The Rhineland, as part of the Germany Region, had long been considered in the bag for the Vienna Government; how could they easily let the French have it?

Undermine, they must undermine any potential French-Russian deal!

This was Franz’s first reaction. Then he began to worry about how to foil the potential French-Russian deal.

“Leak the news to the British. Although the development of the Rhineland region has slowed down in recent years, its abundant resources and industrial base are still there. Once in French hands, it would quickly trigger a dramatic change.

“France has already become very powerful; if it grows any stronger, the London Government will lose sleep.”

“This is about diverting disaster to the west. The Russian-Austrian Alliance still stands, and there are many things aimed at the Russians that the Vienna Government can’t conveniently do.”

Prime Minister Felix suggested, “Your Majesty, shall we give them a push and simply let the Russians lose this war?”

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If we want the Russians to lose the war, it would be simple: Austria just has to suddenly impose an embargo on military supplies. Most of the strategic materials for the Russian front are produced by Austria.

Even if the Tsarist Government wants to buy supplies elsewhere, there isn’t enough time, not to mention they wouldn’t find a seller.”

In Europe, only England, France, and Austria have the production capacity. If it’s possible to pull the Russians from their dominant position, why would England and France refuse?

The French-Russian compromise is based on the Tsarist Government holding winning cards. Napoleon III certainly won’t help the Russians win the war, consolidating the enemy’s hegemony.”

This is also why the nations dread the Russian-Austrian Alliance; the two countries’ alliance and resource complementarity allow for a combined strength that’s already more than 1+1>2.

Franz shook his head and said, “No, we can’t make a move at this time.

The Prussians still have fighting capability. If England and France are just a bit more generous and arm all the able-bodied men in Prussia, it’s not certain the Russians will win.

Have you noticed that Alexander II’s reforms have been put on hold? After the war is over, will the Tsarist Government still have the ability to continue reforms?”

To support this war, Alexander II had to compromise with the Conservatives at home to ensure domestic stability.

Such a compromise will make future reforms difficult. At the very least, it considerably increases the difficulty when facing the same problems.

From a long-term development perspective, this Prusso-Russian war has already accomplished its strategic goals. A Russian Empire with incomplete reforms is exactly what Austria needs.

Now that the strategic objectives have been achieved, there is naturally no need to continue targeting the Russians. The end of the Russian-Austrian Alliance is not yet in sight; let others do the work of stirring up enmity.

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Plans can never keep up with rapid changes, and the Tsarist Government, while negotiating with Austria, also initiated negotiations with the French.

At the Palace of Versailles, Napoleon III hesitated over the olive branch thrown by the Tsarist Government.

There can only be one hegemon in Europe, and in this regard, the Russian Empire is France’s biggest competitor.

Lending money to the Tsarist Government is undoubtedly financing the enemy.

In Napoleon III’s view, the biggest challenge in acquiring the Rhineland region isn’t military but political.

Annexing the Kingdom of Sardinia alone prompted other European nations to create a united defense circle against them. If they were to annex the Rhineland region by force, it would inevitably lead to intervention from other nations.”

At such a time, the French would need allies. Unlike mortgaging the Prussian Saxon area for a loan, the Tsarist Government’s promise is to support the French annexation of the Rhineland region.

It’s a matter of geopolitics: no matter how powerful the Tsar, he can’t cross the German Federation to occupy the Rhineland region, so mortgaging it is out of the question.

With the support of the Tsarist Government, France won’t be politically isolated. After some interest exchanges with various nations, the success rate of annexing the Rhineland region is very high.

Foreign Minister Abraham proposed, “Your Majesty, shall we grant the loan to the Tsarist Government? I believe the key lies in the final outcome of the war.

The Russians’ odds of winning are currently very high, and I can’t see how the Prussians could turn the tables. Even without our loan, the Tsarist Government can raise funds from other sources.

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In that case, it would be better to simply divide the Kingdom of Prussia with the Russians and maximize our benefits.”

Finance Minister Allen objected, “No, the Russians have a poor credit reputation, and they simply don’t have the financial capability to repay such a loan.

Our money didn’t come from thin air; we can’t just waste it. To partition the Kingdom of Prussia, we don’t need to offer the Russians a loan; we can achieve that regardless.

Once the Kingdom of Prussia is defeated, we can use debt collection as an excuse to temporarily manage the Rhineland region and create a fait accompli.

Then we can slowly work on PR, swap interests with various nations to recognize our occupation of the Rhineland region.

The support of the Russians is irrelevant; with or without it, we still need to trade with other nations. Even if the Tsarist Government opposes, they don’t have the power to intervene.

So why spend this unjustified sum?”

Foreign Minister Abraham retorted, “Earl Allen, this is not ‘dead money’. With the support of the Russians, it will be much easier for us to win the default approval of other nations.

Without the Russians’ support, if all European nations oppose us later, we may still have to give up the Rhineland region even if we manage to take it.”

The support of European nations might be unimportant, but it’s essential to have the support of a major power.

Among the five great powers of Europe, excluding the civil-torn Spain we can ignore, we must secure the support of at least one of the others.

Historical lessons have told the French that going it alone won’t work, and recklessness is even worse.

…

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